Society of Muslim Brothers, The Muslim Brotherhood, or Al-Ikhwan Al-Muslimin

1928, the formation of Muslim Brotherhood was encouraged and financed by the British Empire, through the efforts of Hassan al-Banna, an Egyptian man seeking to overthrow Egypt's monarchy, expel none British influences and establish an Islamist theocracy.

Since the formation of the Muslim Brotherhood, an Islamic terrorist organization, it has always been a strong arm of the European and the American criminal elites for pursuing their colonial plundering goals, benefiting the Europeans and the Americans, through murder and mayhem, instigating violent political activities, such as phony revolutions and coup d'états, high-level assassinations, influencing and imposing dark-age ideological religious barbarism through terrorist acts, and everything else in between.

Muslim Brotherhood became known for its extensive terrorist operations, including the failed assassination attempt of Egyptian leader Gamal Abdul Nasser who ruled Egypt from 1956 until his death in 1970 and the murder of Anwar El Sadat on October 1981.

Muslim Brotherhood direct involvement and criminal activities on behalf of their European and American evil masters, led to many violent fake revolution attempts in many Islamic countries, effectively silencing and annihilating peaceful grass-root movements for social and political evolution by the people of Egypt, Iran, Iraq, Lebanon, Syria, Turkey, Pakistan and Afghanistan.

Muslim Brotherhood continues to have a large following throughout the Muslim countries, where many of its supporters are politically active. The group has trained, funded and influenced many terrorist leaders ever since: including Osama Bin Laden and Ayman al Zawahiri, and many of its members who have engaged in countless terrorist activities.

Headquartered in Egypt; satellite groups throughout Africa, Asia and European Union.

With the direct financial and logistical assistance from the European and the American criminal elites, Muslim Brotherhood covertly conducts terrorist operations in support of colonial plundering goals of American and European evil master’s political and economical goals, and continues to support terrorism and terrorist organizations.

Many of its operatives have engaged in terrorist activities and spawned numerous terrorist groups, such as Hamas, Egyptian Islamic Jihad, Al-Qaida, Hezbollah, Al-Fatah, Mujahidin of the Islamic Revolution in Iran, Taliban, and many other terrorist organizations formed in Africa and Asia, all of them without exception funded and controlled by the American and European evil elites through their secret societies and foundations.

The Muslim Brotherhood's barbaric theology is based on the doctrine of salafiyya: the belief that present-day Muslims have been corrupted and must return to the pristine form of Islam practiced at the time of Muhammad. Many Muslim Brotherhood members believe in a radical application of Jihad, which was developed by their ideological leader Sayyid Qutb, a British subject. Qutb advocated a violent and belligerent approach to the concept of Jihad, which was adopted by all terrorist organizations mentioned at the above.

The group motto is:
"Allah is our objective. Muhammad is our leader. Koran is our law. Jihad is our way. Dying in the way of Allah is our highest hope."

The Muslim Brotherhood and its affiliate terrorist organizations aspire to establish an Islamist caliphate, unifying all the Muslim nations and ultimately convert all others to Islam worldwide.

Sharp Rise in Women’s Deaths From Overdose of Painkillers

- By SABRINA TAVERNISE - July 2, 2013 - The New Yrok Times

PORTSMOUTH, Ohio — Prescription pain pill addiction was originally seen as a man’s problem, a national epidemic that began among workers doing backbreaking labor in the coal mines and factories of Appalachia. But a new analysis of federal data has found that deaths in recent years have been rising far faster among women, quintupling since 1999.

More women now die of overdoses from pain pills like OxyContin than from cervical cancer or homicide. And though more men are dying, women are catching up, according to the analysis by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. And the problem is hitting white women harder than black women, and older women harder than younger ones.

In this Ohio River town on the edge of Appalachia, women blamed the changing nature of American society. The rise of the single-parent household has thrust immense responsibility on women, who are not only mothers, but also, in many cases, primary breadwinners. Some who described feeling overwhelmed by their responsibilities said they craved the numbness that drugs bring. Others said highs made them feel pretty, strong and productive, a welcome respite from the chaos of their lives.

“I thought I was supermom,” said Crystal D. Steele, 42, a recovering addict who said she began to take medicine for back pain she developed working at Kentucky Fried Chicken. “I took one kid to football, the other to baseball. I went to work. I washed the car. I cleaned the house. I didn’t even know I had a problem.”

Ms. Steele, now a patient at the Counseling Center, a rehabilitation center here, remembers getting calls about deaths of high school classmates while working at an answering service for a local funeral home. She counted about 50 women she had known who had drug-related deaths. She believes that had it not been for a 40-day stint in jail for stealing pain pills, she would have been among them.

“I felt like I sold my soul somewhere along the way,” said Ms. Steele, whose father was an alcoholic and abusive. “I didn’t feel like I deserved to be given a second chance. I thought my kids would be better off without me.”

For years, drug overdose deaths in the United States were seen as mostly an urban problem that hit blacks hardest. But opioid abuse, which exploded in the 1990s and 2000s and included drugs like OxyContin, Vicodin and Percocet, has been worst among whites, often in rural places. The C.D.C. analysis found that the overdose death rate for blacks in 2010, the most recent year for which there was final data, was less than half the rate for whites. Asians and Hispanics had the lowest rates.

According to the report, 6,631 women died of opioid overdoses in 2010, compared with 10,020 men.

While younger women in their 20s and 30s tend to have the highest rates of opioid abuse, the overdose death rate was highest among women ages 45 to 54, a finding that surprised clinicians. The range indicates that at least some portion of the drugs may have been prescribed appropriately for pain, Dr. Nora Volkow, director of the National Institute on Drug Abuse, said in an interview. If death rates were driven purely by abuse, then one would expect the death rates to be highest among younger women who are the biggest abusers.

Deaths among women have been rising for some time, but Dr. Thomas R. Frieden, the C.D.C. director, said the problem had gone virtually unrecognized. The study offered several theories for the increase. Women are more likely than men to be prescribed pain drugs, to use them chronically, and to get prescriptions for higher doses.

The study’s authors hypothesized that it might be because the most common forms of chronic pain, like fibromyalgia, are more common in women. A woman typically also has less body mass than a man, making it easier to overdose.

Women are also more likely to be given prescriptions of psychotherapeutic drugs, like antidepressants and antianxiety medications, Dr. Volkow said. That is significant because people who overdose are much more likely to have been taking a combination of those drugs and pain medication.

Broader social trends, like unemployment, an increase in single-parent families, and their associated stressors, might have also contributed to the increase in abuse, but they are slow moving and unlikely to be a direct explanation, Dr. Volkow said.

Stella Collins, who runs group therapy sessions at the Counseling Center, said her patients, most of whom are poor, feel trapped. They are squeezing a living out of tiny paychecks. Many get no financial support from the fathers of their children and come from families where alcohol or drugs were abused. Their feelings of inadequacy and shame over not properly caring for their children help drive their addictions, she said.

“Poverty is depression, it’s failure, it’s sadness, it’s low self-esteem,” said Ms. Collins. Her mother, an addict, died of a heart attack at age 56 after spending money meant for heart medication on pain pills, she said.

“These women are stuck, emotionally and financially,” Ms. Collins added.

But some of the women also fight their way back.

Kathy Newman, 35, who started using pills in her 20s, after her older sister overdosed, and whose oldest son was born addicted, has been drug-free for two years. She now takes classes, and travels around the county telling her story at schools.

For Ms. Steele, the most motivating image is that of her 12-year-old son’s face streaked with tears, looking at her through the glass of the prison visiting area. Her eldest son now has custody of him.

“I was at a big stop sign and it was like, ‘O.K., which way are you going to go?’ ” she said.

Portsmouth has worked hard to stop addiction. Easy access to prescription pain pills has been shut down. Mothers of dead addicts give talks at schools. And while Ohio’s death rate from overdoses, like the national rate, is still climbing, the rate in Scioto County, where Portsmouth is located, has declined in recent years, according to the city health department.

Ms. Collins works with women in group sessions, teaching them how to like themselves again.

“Watching them die is the hardest part,” Ms. Collins said. “You sit in this room and you don’t know who’s going to make it.”

Depth of Discontent Threatens Muslim Brotherhood and Its Leaders in Egypt and the rest of the World

- By DAVID D. KIRKPATRICK and KAREEM FAHIM - July 2, 2013 - The New York Times

CAIRO — The Muslim Brotherhood, among the most powerful forces in Egypt, is facing perhaps the worst crisis in its 80-year history. Its members have been gunned down in the streets. Its new headquarters have been ransacked and burned, its political leader, President Mohamed Morsi, abandoned, threatened and isolated by old foes and recent allies.

It is a steep fall for the pre-eminent Islamist movement in the region, and especially surprising for a group that was elected just one year ago. Its critics say the Brotherhood remains stuck in old divisions, pitting Islamists against the military, and has failed to heed the demands of ordinary citizens.

“I think this is an existential crisis, and it’s much more serious than what they were subjected to by Nasser or Mubarak,” said Khaled Fahmy, a historian at the American University in Cairo, referring to the governments of Gamal Abdel Nasser and Hosni Mubarak, the autocrat deposed in 2011. “The Egyptian people are increasingly saying it is not about Islam versus secularism,” Mr. Fahmy said. “It is about Egypt versus a clique.”

But Mr. Morsi and the Brotherhood have made it clear they will not back down. After days of restraint, the movement’s members are fighting bloody street battles, convinced that hard-fought victories are being unfairly stripped away. Members have marched in the streets carrying death shrouds, and a senior leader urged members “to seek martyrdom” in the battle against “a military coup.”

The Egypt that Mr. Morsi and the Brotherhood inherited was in a state of political and economic chaos that would have challenged any established government, yet they have sometimes seemed their own worst enemies. Even as the clock ticked on an ultimatum from the top generals — to meet the demands of the protesters or face military intervention, they remained deeply reluctant to acknowledge errors in governing or the depth of popular discontent. They saw only a conspiracy to topple the Islamists in the face of a new conflict with the generals.

“There were so many streams, and the bulk of them may be legitimate, but behind it is still the same old forces of the old regime trying to come back up,” said Gehad el-Haddad, a senior Brotherhood official close to the group’s most influential leader, Khairat el-Shater. Mr. Morsi echoed that accusation in a speech late Tuesday night.

For decades, the Brotherhood was hounded by repressive autocrats and their security forces, its members jailed, its organization outlawed. But its years as a secretive underground organization did not prepare it for Egypt in the throes of revolution. With its leaders focused on outmaneuvering the military and firming up their own power, critics say, the Brotherhood lost sight of its own role in the revolts that helped crown a new power: the people.

The Brotherhood has been shocked by the scale of the popular opposition now emerging against it, failing to foresee the size of the demonstrations, Mr. Haddad said. “The lack of professionalism meant the information coming in from our grass-roots network was not good,” he said, adding that the group had also failed to anticipate the speed of the military’s move.

“That was supposed to happen in four or five days more,” he said. “But yesterday’s statement by the military completely changed the game. It is no longer pro- and anti-Morsi. It is now ‘military coup’ vs. ‘democratic change.’ ”

Brotherhood leaders have sounded increasingly isolated, defiant and bellicose. “Everybody abandoned us, without exception,” Mohamed el-Beltagy, a senior Brotherhood leader, declared in a statement on the Internet.

“Seeking martyrdom,” he declared, was the only choice to stop “the coup of June 30,” the day millions turned out to demand Mr. Morsi’s ouster on the anniversary of his inauguration.

At a rally in support of the president, many Brotherhood loyalists sought to deny the reality of the protests. A 58-year-old woman who gave her name only as Umm Walid — Walid’s mother — complained that the crowds were supporting Mr. Morsi, but that the news media had mislabeled the huge pro-Morsi demonstrations as protests against him. Many, like Salih al-Dimshan, 39, a teacher from the Nile Delta Province of Sharqiya, said the protesters had been “brainwashed” by “media propaganda.”

Others insisted the anti-Morsi millions were only Mubarak loyalists “upset over Egypt’s progress,” as Ashraf Mahmoud, 39, a businessman from the same province, put it. Overlooking the soaring crime rate, growing fuel shortages and stagnant economy, Mr. Mahmoud said, “They just don’t want to see a renaissance in Egypt, especially not at the hands of the Brotherhood.”

The Brotherhood’s focus on the military was clear as early as the first weeks after Mr. Mubarak’s ouster. Mr. Shater, as a leader of the group, said it should not move too quickly to take power — at the time, the Brotherhood promised not to run a presidential candidate — lest it scare “the military institution, the security apparatuses and the international powers.”

If the Brotherhood sought the presidency, he said, it could “repeat the scenario of Algeria,” when the military battled Islamists for 10 years in a bloody civil war.

Following this philosophy, the Brotherhood provided the electoral muscle to pass a military-led referendum letting the generals dictate the transition. It hung back from violent protests against military rule, not wanting to give the generals a pretext for a new crackdown. Even when the military shuttered the Islamist-led Parliament last spring, Brotherhood leaders quickly backed down.

But as the generals signaled their willingness to allow the Brotherhood to compete for power, Mr. Shater led the Brotherhood in a rush to capitalize on its opportunity. It broke a promise not to seek a parliamentary majority, then its promise not to run a presidential candidate. It even initially nominated Mr. Shater himself, and picked Mr. Morsi only after Mr. Shater was disqualified because of a past prison sentence.

In the process, the Brotherhood fulfilled some of Mr. Shater’s own warnings about the potential backlash if it appeared to try to monopolize power.

After Mr. Morsi persuaded the military to yield him full powers last August, he and his Brotherhood allies increasingly operated as though his narrow electoral victory gave them a mandate to override their civilian opposition. That posture became most apparent when Mr. Morsi issued a presidential dictate overriding the authority of the courts until the passage of a new constitution.

The Brotherhood then rushed to a referendum on a hurried charter drafted by an Islamist-dominated conference, setting off a wave of protests that culminated this week. The intransigence of the Brotherhood’s opponents helped deepen its isolation.

Mr. Morsi and the Brotherhood faced daunting obstacles, said Prof. Mona el-Ghobashy, who teaches political science at Barnard College and studies the Brotherhood. “The first elected president as a product of revolutionary upheaval is already in a hazardous position,” she said. “He was not only the first, but he was elected by the skin of an onion,” she said, with just over 51 percent of the vote.

Mr. Morsi was ill equipped to soothe the nation, a party oligarch who hailed from the “most conservative flank of the most conservative organization,” Professor Ghobashy said. And the Brotherhood, seeking to tighten its grip on power, favored “elite level machinations” — like neutralizing the military — rather than the public and its needs, she said.

“They are old-style politicians. The people are trotted out to give you their vote. Then, ‘Go back home, and let the leaders take care of you,’ ” Professor Ghobashy said. “The newly empowered public, which doesn’t have fixed allegiances to the felool” — the remnants of the old government — “or the Brotherhood, need you to deliver.”

Sarah Mousa and Mayy El Sheikh contributed reporting.